IRELAND & AUSTRIA

 

Fascism is still around us, sometimes in plainclothes. It would be so much easier for us if there appeared on the world scene somebody saying, "I want to reopen Auschwitz, I want the Blackshirts to parade again in the Italian squares." Life is not that simple. Fascism can come back under the most innocent of disguises. Our duty is to uncover it and to point our finger at any of its new instances - every day, in every part of the world. --
   
Umberto Eco, Italian Writer

 

The entry of the fascist Freedom Party into government in Austria has made headlines around the world. Other European leaders, busily building a racist 'Fortress Europe', rushed to condemn Austria. The 'shock, horror' reaction of EU governments, and the media, might give some the impression that the re-appearance of fascists in government was an unexpected development. In fact the opposite is true and serious anti-fascists have been warning for years that the growth of neo-fascism in Europe was reaching a point where their new strategies would lead them into government.

When Haider took over as party leader at the 1986 his election was greeted with chants of 'Seig Heil' in the conference hall. Then the Freedom Party had the support of just 5% of Austrians. In 14 years Haider has raised their vote to 28%. Half of Haider's vote came from people who had previously voted for the 'left'. The Freedom Party won the support of large numbers of older working people who are fearful of job losses due to immigration and believed Haider's promises of higher welfare payments. The Freedom Party also got the largest share of the youth vote, 35% of people aged 19-29 years old; compared to just 25% for the Social Democrats. This youth sector is one of the most prosperous in Austrian society, one which has contempt for the poor and immigrants. Large sections of the working class believed Haider's promise to increase public spending and lower taxes. At the same time big business sees the opportunities a far-right government offers them - breaking trade unions and an increase in privatisation of state industries.

Austria's economy is booming and unemployment is very low. There are labour shortages but many Austrians do not want to accept immigrant workers. Since the opening of the borders with Eastern Europe there has been a massive rise in xenophobia. Haider's success is in a large part due to the popular anger against the croneyism and corruption of Austrian politics, which has been dominated by two main parties - the Conservatives and the Social Democrats. As in France the fascists presented themselves as the 'radical opposition' to the corrupt establishment.

'The Haider Party is now the workers' party in Austria. They have the biggest percentage of industrial workers' votes' Erhard Stackl, 'Der Standard' [Liberal Newspaper]

In the past decade open racism has exploded across Europe, including countries such as the Czech Republic, Poland and Hungary - states which are currently bidding to join the EU. Last October Switzerland's extreme right-wing People's Party won 23% of the vote and came second in the general election. In parts of the old East Germany the entire popular 'youth culture' is neo-fascist and many towns and regions are now 'foreigner free', while an alarming 15% to 20% of young men vote for neo-fascist parties. Neo-nazi violence is also a serious political problem in traditionally liberal states such as Sweden and Denmark. 

Fascists do not have to win elections to achieve some of their aims. Their campaigns against refugees have forced establishment parties to introduce extreme anti-immigrant policies to fend off challenges from the hard right. In Western Europe today there are 50 million poor, 18 million unemployed and 3 million homeless. These conditions are ripe for exploitation by extreme-right groups - which range from tiny splinter groups and underground terrorist cells to sizeable political parties. While skinhead gangs may be the shock troops of the far right, the leaders of the successful mass-based neo-fascist organizations have softened their image and tailored their message to appeal to mainstream voters. 

Euro-nationalism - The Nazis' big idea

In the past 10 years the fascist parties of Europe have made a major strategy change. After 40 years of being dismissed as marginal Hitler freaks and swastika-waving thugs Far Right parties throughout Europe put a lot of thought into how to enter 'mainstream' politics and to present their policies to the electorate as a 'radical' alternative to the old corruption and consensus of the establishment parties. Their other main policy platform is opposition to immigration and a demand to 'put our own people first'. The policy of 'Euro-nationalism' involves putting votes before principles in order to put principles into practise. Their aim is not to protest but to govern. This is why Haider, for example, now denies his own Nazi past.

This new policy is working. In the European elections in June 1999 fascist parties throughout the EU got over 11 million votes. The task of the fascists in gathering working class votes has been simplified by the complete abandonment of the working class by the establishment parties and the so called 'left'. The lack of any other political alternative forces the working class into the arms of the 'radical right'. The National Front is now the biggest working class party in France. Bruno Megret, a French Fascist, said: 'the people are coming to us because we come to them, we are there on landings of the tower blocks.

People see we don't have horns. They see their ideas are our ideas. And they don't see the other parties at all'.

Ireland and Austria

Ireland is not identical to Austria or France, but there are many similarities - a booming economy where large sections of the working class have been left behind; widespread racist attitudes to immigrants; a simplistic view of 'look after our own people first'. And total contempt for the corruption of political parties, in some areas up to 70% refuse to vote for them.

There is one crucial difference - Ireland does not have an organised racist or fascist party. However if a clever individual with a group of supporters and access to some money appeared on the scene he could get considerable support, especially in areas of Dublin. 

The increase in racial attacks here is a key area of concern. The fact that small groups of drinking buddies are motivated enough to physically attack Black people is a great danger as such actions can make them 'hard men' role models for young people. Out of this grows fascist gangs. Where such attacks occur there must be a swift response from local people to stamp it out, before it develops into something uncontrollable. If we are to learn the lessons of the rise of the right in Europe anti-fascists and progressive groups must be seen to oppose racism and to present radical solutions in our communities. Immigrants and refugees must not be the scapegoats for decades of political neglect in the most deprived areas of Dublin.

The job of anti-racists is not to divide the poverty cake more evenly, or to ensure that refugees and Irish people fight for their equal shares of deprivation. We cannot allow a situation to develop whereby racists can graft their policies onto the legitimate concerns of working class communities. Anti-racists must not line up behind the establishment parties or be seen to be promoting the 'rights of immigrants' above those of Irish people. Anti-Fascism is NOT a wing of the liberal establishment, preaching about 'multiculturalism'. We reject the liberal classification of working class people as 'stupid' and 'racist' because they are concerned about lack of resources in their communities. Stigmatising communities in this way only drives people further into the hands of the racists. 

Our role is to fight alongside deprived communities for greater resources for all. Last year the government had a budget surplus of £600 million - more than enough to house, feed and educate everyone. Fianna Fail has recently announced an 'anti-racism education programme' to teach Irish people about racism - this is the same party which is going to force refugees to survive on 'food vouchers'. Don't be surprised if these vouchers are later imposed on unemployed people or single parents. 

The working people of Ireland, especially Dublin, has a proud tradition of opposing fascism. 60 republicans and socialists, many from the Inner City, died fighting against Fascism in the Spanish Civil War. In the 1930's thousands of people fought running battles on the streets against the fascist Blueshirts, and won. At that time progressive groups, such as the Republican Congress, organised mass campaigns against slum housing and landlords, as well as fighting to defeat the fascist Blueshirts. 

In the 1930s there was a clear understanding that the class interests of working people were directly in opposition to fascism and that the function of fascism was to divide and destroy the power of the working class. In Italy and Germany the first victim of fascism was the organised working class. The first inmates of the concentration camps were trade unionists and left-wing community leaders. Difficult as it may seem the fight against fascism now begins and ends with opposing the growth of racism in our communities. 

AFA welcomes the co-operation and support of progressive individuals and groups in implementing this strategy. To Join Anti-Fascist Action please contact PO Box 3355, Dublin 7.

GREEN LEFT WEEKLY
E-mail:
glw@greenleft.org.au
Web: http://www.greenleft.org.au
Number 394, 23 February 2000 

All rights reserved, Green Left Weekly. Redistribution permitted with this notice attached. Redistribution for profit prohibited.


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